If you ask a random youth in Mathare how the government treats us, they’ll tell you we feel, at best, paternalised and condescended, and at worst, patronised and disregarded.
Senior government officials have branded us disrespectful. Our peers advocating good governance have faced abduction and trumped-up charges of terrorism. Last week, addressing youth discontent in Machakos, the President blamed parents of poor parenting.
The government’s mindset seems to demand unquestioning blind respect from the youth without reciprocity. This mirrors a parent-child relationship with a power imbalance, where one speaks and the other obeys. At the risk of being branded as badly brought up, I vehemently differ with this political gaslighting: a form of psychological manipulation where governments make citizens doubt their sanity, lived experiences, or perception of reality.
The relationship between youth and the state is one of citizenship, rooted in the social contract theory developed by John Locke. His theory posits that individuals willingly agree to form a government to protect their natural rights and provide public goods. This agreement obligates citizens to respect the government as long as it safeguards their rights. The government’s legitimacy, therefore, hinges on its ability to uphold its end of the bargain. If it fails to do so, Locke argued, the people retain the right to rebel.
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By failing to provide HELB funds for university students, shrinking civic space, and failing to offer employment, the government gives the youth the short end of the bargain. According to Locke, resistance is inevitable. This resistance often takes the form of peaceful protests — even at the risk of being shot in the legs by the police, digital advocacy under hashtags like #SiriniNumbers and #AngukaNayo.
Let me re-emphasise the broken contract regarding employment. Youth aged 18-35 years constitute approximately 75 per cent of the population, with the median age being 20. According to a 2024 PSC report, this demographic is underrepresented in public service jobs: less than 3 per cent of positions are held by those under 30, while those over 51 years old hold more than 25 per cent. This stark imbalance highlights a systemic failure to integrate the youth into the very institutions meant to serve them.
There have been calls for an intergenerational conclave to iron out pressing issues. On one side, the proponents of the conclave use the language of liberation and mentorship, while on the other, they silence youth who dare to dream beyond them. There are claims that elders walked so youth could run, but now they are blocking the roads they built, which is neither revolutionary nor genuine engagement.
True engagement requires parties to meet on neutral ground, co-create the agenda, and for those with the highest power to cede ground and dismantle structures that have historically favored them. Previous dialogues have shortchanged us, yielding superficial and non-binding recommendations.
Kenya’s Third Liberation is nigh, and it squarely lies in the implementation of Article 43 of the Constitution. This issue was well theorised by philosopher John Stuart Mill in his moral theory of utilitarianism. He encapsulated that the most ethical choice is the one that will produce the most overall happiness for all individuals while minimising suffering.
The Yoruba say when a young person washes their hands, they can eat with elders. The Kenyan youth have washed their hands by going to school, innovated technology and respectfully raised their grievances.
What more must we do to be allowed to eat at the table of governance? What must we do to be seen as equal citizens and not as children who were poorly parented?
The writer comments on current issues. [email protected]
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By Wanja Maina