Kenya holds regular elections, has dozens of registered political parties, and prides itself on a competitive multiparty democracy. Yet beneath this apparent vibrancy lies a persistent weakness. Most Kenyan political parties are poorly institutionalised.
They rise and fall with election cycles and revolve around powerful personalities. Democracy depends not just on elections, but on strong, stable, and rule-based political parties. Parties are meant to be enduring institutions that organise political competition, articulate policy alternatives, and connect citizens to the state.
In mature democracies, voters align with parties based on ideas, programmes, and performance. In Kenya, however, parties often function as temporary electoral vehicles, assembled for convenience, discarded after defeat, and rebranded before the next contest.
One major obstacle to party institutionalisation is personalisation of politics. Party leaders wield disproportionate control over nominations, finances, and strategic decisions. Internal disputes rarely lead to reform. Instead, they produce defections and splinter parties.
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Ethnic mobilisation has further weakened parties as national institutions. Many are perceived as ethnic vehicles rather than programmatic platforms. Electoral alliances are often built around short-term arithmetic instead of shared ideology, reinforcing the idea that parties exist primarily to capture power, not to advance coherent policy agendas. We must also confront the peculiar nature of our political organising, where ethnic and regional identities often outweigh ideas and policies.
Kenya’s oldest political parties, including KANU, KADU, and FORD, reveal a paradox at the heart of Kenyan politics: a long tradition of political organisation without enduring institutions. Even these historically significant parties have struggled to maintain ideological clarity, internal democracy, and organisational continuity. While Kenya’s parties are relatively young by global standards, the struggle to build enduring, institutionalised parties is a challenge even democracies with centuries-old party systems have faced.
Kenya could learn from the world’s oldest parties, such as the US Democratic Party, the UK Conservatives and Labour, and India’s Congress, which have survived for centuries by building strong institutions, maintaining internal democracy, and navigating leadership transitions. This week, Kenya’s High Court ruled that the merger between the ANC and UDA was unconstitutional, effectively reinstating ANC as a legally existing political party. ANC delegates had already resolved to dissolve the party on February 7, 2025, at the Bomas of Kenya in Nairobi. Some members noted that such a critical decision, effectively selling the party, had been made by only a handful of leaders. This highlights the persistent problem of personalised, elite-driven decision-making that undermines party institutionalisation.
Winnie Odinga, daughter of the late Raila Odinga, has openly challenged ODM leadership, including her uncle Oburu Oginga, over the party’s direction ahead of 2027 elections. She accused senior officials of exploiting her father’s legacy for personal gain, exposing deep divisions and highlighting the fragility of Kenya’s most historic parties.
There are many ways Kenyan political parties could strengthen institutionalisation, but one of the surest paths is nurturing young leaders from the ground up. Globally, parties like China’s Communist Party train future leaders in leadership academies. Closer to home, Kenya’s Jubilee Party has taken steps in this direction with its internship programme and political leadership academy, aimed at equipping young people with the skills needed for public service. If expanded and replicated across other parties, such initiatives could help Kenyan politics move beyond slogans and populism.
Ultimately, Kenya does not suffer from a shortage of political parties. It suffers from a shortage of strong political institutions.
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By Wanja Maina