Uhuru retirement benefits not subject to political obedience

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This week we have witnessed various pronouncements by government leaning politicians, both members of the National Assembly and the Senate regarding the retirement benefits of former President Uhuru Kenyatta. They have consistently threatened to discontinue the benefits through a motion in Parliament on the basis that the he is now engaging actively in politics, particularly through his party, Jubilee. Thankfully, Constitutionalism and the rule of law is always built on the idea of equality before the law. Constitutions and statutes should inherently be structured in a past, present and futuristic perspective. Put differently, they must take care of historical mistakes and give a never again alarm, cater for the emerging and pressing needs of the present times and be able to even if not with razor edge certainty, foretell the future. A transformative Constitution as ours therefore has to protect without discrimination those who are strong now and who may be weak tomorrow. Inversely, the weak now who may be wielders of power of tomorrow. As it is say, there is a moral idea behind law. That of good behaviour, that the law should be ordinarily be in the hands of well intentioned persons. However, due to the external disciplines as society, politics and the idea of power, that idea always turns out otherwise and, in the circumstances, power has to be contained to some limits.

Back to the issue, Article 151(3) of the Constitution was designed for such times, it states that ‘the retirement benefits payable to a former President and a former Deputy President, the facilities available to and the privileges enjoyed by them, shall not be varied to their disadvantage during their lifetime.’  The framers of our constitution had a lot in mind here, largely informed by our history where outgoing presidents at the end of their tenures tend to hatch a succession plan. These plans at times may succeed or even fail. 2022 and 2022 are good instances. In such times there is bound to be political divergences between incoming governments and outgoing ones. Those in the reins of power fall in the temptation of exercising arbitrary force and suppression of all kinds including attempts to frustrate the benefits and facilities available in law to former presidents and deputy presidents. Senator Cherargei of Nandi has already put forth a motion under sections 4(1) and 6(1) of the Retirement Benefits (Deputy President and designated State Officers) Act, 2015 which gives the National Assembly discretion to discontinue the benefits being enjoyed by a retired president or their spouse if they participate in active political activities or hold political office for more than six months.

One would expect that being a legislator, the senator would be aware that on the 30th of May 2019, Justices Nyamweya, Okwany and Mativo declared section 4(1) of the said Act Unconstitutional, which now senator Cherargei seeks to rely on. Knowing the current National Assembly and the Senate, this is no news and neither should it surprise anyone. Since section 4(1) which relied heavily on section 6(1) of the Act has been declared dead, not even section 6 can be used to bar a former president from active politics or interfere with the benefits in whatever shape. Notably, the three judge bench was categorical that such an act would violate Articles 27 (on non-discrimination), 38 (political rights), 40(property rights), 47 (right to fair administrative action) and article 50 (right to fair hearing) and 151(3) discussed earlier on this piece.

Beyond the clear constitutional position, there is also an important democratic question that ought to concern the country. Should retirement benefits of former heads of state become political weapons to be withdrawn whenever the current administration feels uncomfortable with criticism? If such a precedent were to be accepted, then no constitutional guarantee would ever be safe from political manipulation. Today it may be a former president perceived to be opposing government policy, tomorrow it may be judges, independent commissions, governors or ordinary citizens whose rights are suspended simply because they disagree with those in office. Constitutional democracy does not function on the basis of convenience. It functions on the basis of settled principles and limitations on power. This is precisely why constitutions are drafted with deliberate rigidity on certain matters. History across the world demonstrates that governments often become most dangerous when they enjoy overwhelming political support and begin to imagine that parliamentary numbers can override constitutional boundaries. Our Constitution anticipated such moments. It foresaw that power changes hands, alliances collapse and political rivalries emerge after transitions. Consequently, it insulated certain rights and guarantees from the impulses of those temporarily occupying office. Indeed, there is a certain cleverness in constitutional design. A good constitution protects even those whom society may presently dislike because constitutional protections are never meant for favourable times alone. They are crafted for difficult political moments when emotions run high and institutions are tested. The wisdom behind Article 151(3) lies in protecting the office, the principle of orderly transition and the broader constitutional culture that Kenya seeks to build. Once benefits guaranteed by the Constitution become contingent on political obedience, then constitutionalism itself begins to erode. Ultimately therefore, the proposed motion is legally and constitutionally dead on arrival. Parliament cannot purport to revive provisions already declared unconstitutional by the High Court. However unlovable Uhuru may be to the state, that is the law. 

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